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Nobel Prizes: what applications for the work of the latest winners?

Nobel Prize in Economics: understanding gender inequalities in employment

Sara Signorelli , Assistant professor at CREST at Ecole Polytechnique (IP Paris) and Roland Rathelot, Professor of Economics at ENSAE (IP Paris)
On September 9th, 2024 |
5 min reading time
Sara Signorelli
Sara Signorelli
Assistant professor at CREST at Ecole Polytechnique (IP Paris)
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Roland Rathelot
Professor of Economics at ENSAE (IP Paris)
Key takeaways
  • The American economist Claudia Goldin was awarded the Nobel Prize in Economics in 2023 for her work on the place of women in the labour market with her analyses of wage inequality.
  • She has shown that women’s participation in the economy has followed a U-shaped trajectory, influenced by major societal changes such as the contraceptive pill.
  • Her working method is particularly innovative, drawing on historical data, analysing the long term and formulating multiple hypotheses.
  • Claudia Goldin describes a “silent revolution” in the early 1970s, launched in particular by contraception, which enabled American women to plan and build their professional careers.
  • Despite this progress, the economist notes that pay inequalities persist, notably because of “greedy jobs” and flexible working.

“Clau­dia Goldin has put gen­der back at the cen­tre of eco­nom­ics,” explains Roland Rath­elot, Pro­fes­sor of Eco­nom­ics at ENSAE (IP Paris). Before her, analy­ses of labour eco­nom­ics gen­er­al­ly exclud­ed women, who were more affect­ed by career breaks and part-time work. In 1990, the Amer­i­can econ­o­mist became the first woman to join the eco­nom­ics depart­ment at Har­vard Uni­ver­si­ty, where she still teach­es today. Clau­dia Goldin was one of the first researchers to take a spe­cif­ic inter­est in the role of women in the labour mar­ket and the par­tic­u­lar­i­ties of female employ­ment. In Octo­ber 2023, her work earned her the Nobel Prize in Eco­nom­ics. “Clau­dia Goldin was the first to assert that women’s employ­ment was the great­est upheaval in the struc­ture of the labour mar­ket in the 20th Cen­tu­ry,” explains Sara Sig­norel­li, Assis­tant Pro­fes­sor of Eco­nom­ics at Ecole Poly­tech­nique (IP Paris).

Con­trary to what one might imag­ine, the tra­jec­to­ry of female employ­ment is not lin­ear. In pre­dom­i­nant­ly agri­cul­tur­al soci­eties, women worked as hard as men, “for pay or prof­it,” said Clau­dia Goldin in her Nobel Prize accep­tance speech. With the indus­tri­al rev­o­lu­tion, employ­ment oppor­tu­ni­ties out­side the home mul­ti­plied, and the roles of men and women were dif­fer­en­ti­at­ed. Men worked out­side the home, while women took charge of the house­hold. “Women have come to play an increas­ing role in the mar­ket econ­o­my and in paid work, as their incomes have risen in rela­tion to the cost of house­hold goods. Women’s role in the mar­ket has tend­ed to form a ‘U’ shape over the course of his­to­ry,” explains Clau­dia Goldin.

From passive players in the labour market to the ‘silent revolution’

The researcher uncov­ered a new way of look­ing at the evo­lu­tion of women’s par­tic­i­pa­tion in the Amer­i­can econ­o­my. In 1890, 19% of women worked, and they gen­er­al­ly stopped when they got mar­ried. From the 1940s onwards, the social stig­ma attached to female employ­ment began to dimin­ish. Women’s employ­ment grad­u­al­ly increased, with the cre­ation of part-time work and the abo­li­tion of laws pro­hibit­ing mar­ried women from work­ing. Between 1950 and 1970, more and more women – includ­ing mar­ried women – were work­ing. But they remained pas­sive play­ers in the labour market.

It was not until the late 1960s and ear­ly 1970s, and what Clau­dia Goldin calls the ‘silent rev­o­lu­tion’, that women real­ly became active. “Until recent­ly, the vast major­i­ty of women, includ­ing grad­u­ates, occu­pied the val­leys, not the peaks. They had jobs, not careers […] Before this change, women who reached the top did so solo. They became sym­bols, proof that women can achieve great things,” summed up the econ­o­mist before the Nobel Prize committee.

From the 1970s and 1980s onwards, women gained a per­spec­tive, a ‘hori­zon’ in their careers. This involved invest­ing in edu­ca­tion. The econ­o­mist notes a sig­nif­i­cant increase in the num­ber of women born in the 1950s going on to uni­ver­si­ty. “They were tak­ing more maths and sci­ence cours­es to pre­pare for uni­ver­si­ty, they had more and more expec­ta­tions about their future jobs, and they react­ed by increas­ing the num­ber of years they stud­ied and chang­ing their major to more career-ori­ent­ed cours­es,” she describes. Work­ing is also becom­ing a ques­tion of iden­ti­ty and social recog­ni­tion, and not just a means of gen­er­at­ing extra income for the household.

The upheaval of the contraceptive pill

As well as iden­ti­fy­ing these major changes, Clau­dia Gold­in’s oth­er major con­tri­bu­tion is to have high­light­ed the caus­es of this ‘silent rev­o­lu­tion’. In the econ­o­mist’s view, one of the main advances that led to these upheavals was the spread of the con­tra­cep­tive pill in the Unit­ed States from the 1960s onwards. “When the pill became avail­able, women took it up and regained con­trol of their fer­til­i­ty. This enabled them to become bet­ter edu­cat­ed, to enter the labour mar­ket, to con­trol their careers and the tim­ing of fam­i­ly for­ma­tion,” says Roland Rath­elot. Women are mar­ry­ing lat­er, get­ting a bet­ter edu­ca­tion, and tak­ing up pro­fes­sions pre­vi­ous­ly con­sid­ered male-dom­i­nat­ed. “The increase in the female work­force was an evo­lu­tion­ary change, but the change in wom­en’s expec­ta­tions, their hori­zons, their sense of iden­ti­ty, their new abil­i­ty to bet­ter con­trol their des­tiny, were rev­o­lu­tion­ary changes,” argues Clau­dia Goldin.

The Amer­i­can econ­o­mist is one of the gen­er­a­tion of researchers involved in the ‘cred­i­bil­i­ty rev­o­lu­tion’. Her work on the pill is exact­ly in line with these meth­ods. “The con­tra­cep­tive method spread grad­u­al­ly in the Unit­ed States, as the states changed their leg­is­la­tion. Goldin uses the fact that this spread occurred at dif­fer­ent rates in dif­fer­ent States to deduce the causal impact of con­tra­cep­tion. It’s a ques­tion of com­bin­ing causal and descrip­tive empir­i­cal approach­es, with a con­cern to have a for­malised mod­el,” explains Roland Rathelot.

The glass ceiling of pay inequality

Between 1950 and 1980, employ­ment among Amer­i­can women rose sharply. From 1980 onwards, the gap between men’s and women’s earn­ings began to nar­row. Clau­dia Goldin observed ‘spec­tac­u­lar gains’ for women in the 1980s and 1990s. Until then, women’s posi­tion in the labour mar­ket had only improved, in terms of edu­ca­tion, employ­ment and reduced pay inequal­i­ty. How­ev­er, the econ­o­mist notes that from around the last decade onwards, improve­ments have slowed or even stopped. “In recent his­to­ry, she notes a con­ver­gence in edu­ca­tion and income, and then at a cer­tain point, salaries stop con­verg­ing. You could call this the glass ceil­ing,” explains Sara Sig­norel­li. In Europe, women still earn 13% less than men. Yet Clau­dia Goldin points out that in all OECD coun­tries, women are bet­ter edu­cat­ed than men.

“In this part of her research, she is inter­est­ed in skilled occu­pa­tions, those of edu­cat­ed women. Why do they still not earn as much as men, despite hav­ing a high­er lev­el of edu­ca­tion than men?” sum­maris­es Sara Sig­norel­li. Clau­dia Goldin puts for­ward sev­er­al expla­na­tions. In recent decades, the incomes of women with high­er edu­ca­tion have risen less. In addi­tion, their salaries decline with age. Final­ly, gen­der dif­fer­ences vary enor­mous­ly depend­ing on the sec­tor of employment.

“Greedy” jobs and flexible jobs

This is one of the main keys to under­stand­ing these inequal­i­ties, accord­ing to Clau­dia Goldin. She dis­tin­guish­es between two types of job. ‘Greedy’ jobs, which are high­ly paid, require a great deal of time and con­tin­u­ous com­mit­ment beyond nor­mal work­ing hours. “When chil­dren arrive, more women take care of them, so they choose more flex­i­ble, less well-paid jobs that require less avail­abil­i­ty,” explains Sara Sig­norel­li. For Clau­dia Goldin, pay inequal­i­ties could be reduced by reor­gan­is­ing work­ing con­di­tions. “The sim­plest way is to cre­ate effi­cient sub­sti­tutes between work­ers, which has been done in var­i­ous pro­fes­sions that use infor­ma­tion tech­nolo­gies to trans­mit infor­ma­tion and trans­fer cus­tomers,” she argued in her 2023 speech.

By focus­ing on women’s place in the labour mar­ket and inequal­i­ties, Clau­dia Goldin has helped to devel­op the field of gen­der with­in labour eco­nom­ics. A sub­stan­tial body of lit­er­a­ture has emerged under her influ­ence. For researcher Roland Rath­elot, one of her major lega­cies is also her sci­en­tif­ic method. “Clau­dia Goldin is a great the­o­rist. She goes back and forth between the for­mu­la­tion of mod­el­ling hypothe­ses, for­malised the­o­ret­i­cal mod­els of the behav­iour of play­ers in the labour mar­ket and empir­i­cal results that sup­port her work­ing hypothe­ses,” com­ments the pro­fes­sor. Clau­dia Goldin observes the long-term, using his­tor­i­cal data and quo­ta­tions. She gath­ers clues like a detec­tive to under­stand the macro-eco­nom­ic trends that emerge. In this way, under­stand­ing where we come from pro­vides food for thought about wom­en’s employ­ment today.

Sirine Azouaoui

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