1_utopieDisruption
π Economics
Has the pandemic revived debate over universal basic income?

Universal basic income: utopia or a fuss over nothing?

with Richard Robert, Journalist and Author
On October 13th, 2021 |
4min reading time
Key takeaways
  • Formalised in the 1980s, the idea of a “universal basic income” has long remained marginal, even utopian.
  • But recently, Kenya, India and Finland launched experiments, Switzerland organised a referendum and, in 2020, the United States distributed $1,200 per person to help households cope with the pandemic.
  • Advocates say it is simple, fair, and effective, referring to the fact that despite the huge sums spent on ‘social’ poverty has not disappeared from rich countries.
  • However, critics complain about how it would remove the incentive to work, making some jobs less attractive and others much more expensive.
  • The idea of a minimum universal income thus raises objections as serious as the justifications that support it.

The Cov­id-19 pan­dem­ic would seem to have revived the debate around Uni­ver­sal Basic Income (UBI), even though pri­or to that it had remained mar­gin­al. It is an inter­est­ing concept in the fact that it exists in numer­ous forms, and new ver­sions or inter­pret­a­tions can arise. Faced with strong objec­tions on one side and sub­stan­tial sup­port on the oth­er, it remains a con­ten­tious idea. Nev­er­the­less, as a dis­rupt­ive innov­a­tion, UBI is taken ser­i­ously in polit­ic­al debate and con­sti­tutes a use­ful pro­spect­ive tool to ima­gine a dif­fer­ent future – but also to bet­ter under­stand the present.

A break from utopia?

The idea of a “citizen’s basic income” or a “uni­ver­sal basic income” (UBI) first appeared dur­ing the Great Depres­sion and was later form­al­ised in the 1980s. Although, though it remained a mar­gin­al, even uto­pi­an, idea for a long time. Aside from Alaska, which intro­duced UBI to redis­trib­ute oil rev­en­ue, poli­cy­makers and pop­u­la­tions have not seemed so inter­ested in the concept. But recently, in only a mat­ter of years, its applic­a­tion has been accel­er­ated in vari­ous coun­tries includ­ing Kenya, India and Fin­land which have all launched exper­i­ments; or Switzer­land which held a ref­er­en­dum on the ques­tion, even if the pop­u­la­tion voted against it.

Sur­pris­ingly, it is in the United States, faced with the pan­dem­ic in 2020, that the most power­ful UBI ini­ti­at­ive was put into place. Every house­hold received a pay­ment of $1,200 per per­son. But what was it? A heli­copter money policy, formerly advoc­ated by Milton Fried­man? A social policy to com­pensate for the weak­ness of the Amer­ic­an wel­fare state? A policy to stim­u­late con­sumers to spend? The mere fact that we ask these ques­tions high­lights the dif­fer­ent assets of a concept like UBI that is dif­fi­cult to fit in tra­di­tion­al categories.

The dis­rupt­ive nature of UBI is also emphas­ised by the aston­ish­ing vari­ety of intel­lec­tu­al and polit­ic­al groups that defend it. On the sur­face, it is a concept designed for its sim­pli­city, but the neces­sity of such a sys­tem has been con­tro­ver­sial. By moment­ar­ily shat­ter­ing the issue of cost sur­round­ing such a meas­ure, the pan­dem­ic would seem to have shown that it could have some bene­fits. As such, UBI is now being giv­en ser­i­ous consideration.

New rep­res­ent­a­tions

One of the most inter­est­ing effects of UBI comes from its capa­city to bring out new rep­res­ent­a­tions. For example, when its exor­bit­ant cost is men­tioned, its pro­moters dis­cuss the con­sid­er­able cost of cur­rent social wel­fare schemes in developed coun­tries. France holds the record with 32% of GDP, but for OECD mem­ber states, the aver­age is around 25%. Fur­ther­more, the com­plex­ity of social sys­tems goes hand in hand with con­sid­er­able man­age­ment costs so, by elim­in­at­ing them, the intro­duc­tion of UBI could lead to savings.

Anoth­er example: when we think of the income gen­er­ated by work, we tend to relate our salary with the intens­ity of our efforts, our expert­ise, or the time we spend work­ing. The idea of UBI high­lights everything that is over­looked by this type of rep­res­ent­a­tion. In a way, we are all heirs bene­fit­ting from the accu­mu­la­tion of innov­a­tions and efforts inher­ited from pre­vi­ous gen­er­a­tions. Strictly speak­ing, a large part of our income comes from this leg­acy. With this in mind, the share of our efforts, our tal­ent, or our per­son­al time, becomes minor. As such, the concept of UBI trans­lates into a col­lect­ive real­ity: we are all beneficiaries.

This cul­tur­al shift leads to a var­ied pan­or­ama of jus­ti­fic­a­tions; three of which are presen­ted here. The first is sim­pli­city, in con­trast to the com­plex­ity of social wel­fare sys­tems built over time in developed coun­tries. Hence, its straight­for­ward­ness is asso­ci­ated with a bet­ter over­view of a sys­tem that would allow states to reduce man­age­ment costs and regain con­trol of vast social wel­fare sys­tems. The second is the idea of justice. Much like the “flat tax” which puts every­one on an equal foot­ing in terms of tax­a­tion, the concept of a uni­ver­sal allow­ance has the advant­age of clos­ing the end­less debates on the rights and mer­its of dif­fer­ent cat­egor­ies of bene­fi­ciar­ies. Finally, the third is effic­acy. The fact is that due to sev­er­al factors (poor know­ledge of the sys­tem, illit­er­acy, social stigma), many people eli­gible for cur­rent wel­fare sup­port slip through the cracks and do not ask for social bene­fits they are entitled to. Fur­ther­more, des­pite enorm­ous social expendit­ure, poverty has not dis­ap­peared from wealthy nations mean­ing that social wel­fare schemes are not neces­sar­ily com­pletely successful.

A con­tro­ver­sial proposal

How­ever, cri­ti­cism is just as power­ful in the face of these jus­ti­fic­a­tions. Justice, espe­cially, is both well and poorly served by the concept of UBI. The idea of cor­rectly com­pens­at­ing effort or work, and pro­mot­ing tal­ent is cent­ral in our soci­et­ies and feeds a cer­tain notion of justice. There is fear that they would be under­mined by estab­lish­ing a UBI. From an eco­nom­ic­al point of view, the cent­ral argu­ment is the incent­ive to work. Today, many pro­fes­sions are only guar­an­teed because of the way they are paid. Estab­lish­ing UBI in its more ambi­tious ver­sion (€1,000–2,000 per month in developed coun­tries, depend­ing on the ver­sion) might make these jobs less attract­ive, and sig­ni­fic­antly increase the cost of oth­er pro­fes­sions – poten­tially destabil­ising the whole eco­nomy. A third objec­tion, on a nation­al scale, is that the decision to intro­duce a sig­ni­fic­ant UBI would have dis­rupt­ive effects in terms of immig­ra­tion. Yet, it should be said that this is the reas­on why some advoc­ates even sug­gest to imme­di­ately imple­ment it at a glob­al scale, which opens the debate to fur­ther unsolved issues con­cern­ing the uneven level of devel­op­ment in dif­fer­ent coun­tries around the world. The concept of UBI gives rise to both sig­ni­fic­ant objec­tions and sub­stan­tial jus­ti­fic­a­tions in its favour. Today, this idea offers two key bene­fits. First, its ser­i­ously dis­rupt­ive nature, both in the sense of dis­turb­ing and innov­at­ing, makes it pos­sible to revital­ise reflec­tions on social mod­els, explore new angles and refresh rep­res­ent­a­tions. Second, because it is linked to very dif­fer­ent polit­ic­al or intel­lec­tu­al vis­ions, it provides a space for debate on ques­tions which have remained closed, or even blocked, for a long time. The concept of UBI is there­fore a pro­spect­ive tool. It enables us to explore pos­sible devel­op­ments in the world of tomor­row; on a more developed plan­et, with more robot­ics, in which the ques­tion of human labour becomes key – and to take a fresh look at the world we live in.

Contributors

Richard Robert

Richard Robert

Journalist and Author

Richard Robert is editorial director of Telos and conducts forward-looking research as part of the Observatoire du long terme (Long-Term Observatory) and the Institut de prospective CentraleSupélec Alumni (CentraleSupélec Alumni Institute for Forward-Looking Studies). From 2012 to 2018, he was editor-in-chief of the Paris Innovation Review. His latest books include: Le Social et le Politique (The Social and the Political), with Guy Groux and Martial Foucault, CNRS Éditions, 2020; La Valse européenne (The European Waltz), with Elie Cohen, Fayard, 2021; Une brève histoire du droit d’auteur (A Brief History of Copyright), with Jean-Baptiste Rendu, Flammarion, 2024; Les Nouvelles Dimensions du partage de la valeur (The New Dimensions of Value Sharing), with Erell Thevenon-Poullennec, PUF, 2024; Les Imaginaires sociaux des smart cities (The Social Imaginaries of Smart Cities), Presses des Mines, 2025. Forthcoming: Sauver la démocratie sociale (Saving Social Democracy), with Gilbert Cette and Guy Groux, Calmann-Lévy, coll. ‘Liberté de l'esprit’ (Freedom of Thought), 2026.

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